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roving to surveil student engagement.
               At  Cesar  Chavez,  Rafalow  “witnessed  how
            a  shared  discourse  around  teaching  ‘basic  skills’
            with  digital  technology  informed  instruction…
            Chavez faculty saw the value of technology much
            differently—not  for  creative  expression,  but  to
            develop rote digital skills for technical job tracks”
            (pp.  39–40).  He  notes  that  the  school  had  ample
            access  to  and  support  for  technology,  including
            1-to-1  access  for  iPads  and  Chromebooks  in
            varied  classes,  but  the  use  of  technology  was
            “unidirectional” (p. 40) rather than interactive. That
            is,  the  technology  was  used  to  “deliver”  content;
            students  were  not  engaged  with  each  other  or
            learning through manipulation of content.
               In this foundational chapter, Rafalow lays out the
            key  idea  that  “teachers  determined  whether  young
            people’s digital play was valuable to school or not,
            either  staving  off  or  enabling  play  for  educational
            achievement” (p. 43). The rich details he provides
            about  the  environment  and  culture  of  each  school
            help the reader begin to understand the importance
            of social reproduction theory—the idea that schools
            maintain  and  continue  existing  social  relations.
            Furthermore,  “as  a  result  of  class-  and  race-based
            attitudes toward students, schools differently imagine
            their students’ potential. These shared beliefs among
            teachers are enacted through discipline” (p. 12).


            Developing Digital Skills Through Play
               In Chapter 2, Rafalow continues his line of reasoning by exploring how students
            develop digital skills through play online. Citing a Pew Research fact sheet (2021),
            he notes that “as of 2018, a whopping 95% of teens have access to a smartphone and
            a gaming console with no difference by family income or race-ethnicity” (p. 45).
            He contends that, accordingly, “young people learn digital skills through playful
            pursuits with peers” (p. 45), i.e., through the rich digital lives that they share as
            they learn new technologies and experiment with same. By extension, such a trend
            begs the question of how schools are building upon and maximizing this digital
            play. Simply put, by discouraging and disciplining digital play in schools, educators
            minimize the critical development of digital skills that will serve students in the
            future. By encouraging and incorporating digital play in schools, educators build on
            and enhance students’ natural development of digital skills that are critical to their
            success in an increasingly digital world. The digital divide thus is no longer one of
            differing access to technology “stuff” and support but a gap created and supported
            by pedagogical decisions undergirded by school culture:
                   Schools  treat  kids’  digital  play  in  different  ways,  and  these  different
                   approaches determine whether or not play is transformed into cultural capital
                   for  achievement.  Some  schools  welcome  young  people’s  digital  skills  as
                   valued cultural capital. Others treat play as irrelevant to, and a distraction
                   from, the real work of learning. (p. 48)
            Schools Fostering a More Equitable World                                                           37
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