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Four identified cultural self-definitions are generally used in relation to Indigenous
            identity:  traditional,  assimilated,  transitional,  and  bicultural  (Peavy,  1995).  This
            means that Indigenous students can be identified through “traditional” methods—
            that is by belonging to a tribe, which means that they have been born into or adopted
            into an Indigenous family. For some tribes, this can mean their identity is affirmed
            through living on a reservation or through having an Indigenous card indicating
            tribal affiliation. However, this classification may be limiting due to a history of
            discriminatory laws and government interference in tribal structure (Plous, 2002).  Janelle Abela is a
            Assimilated, transitional, and bicultural Indigenous students may have a family link   doctoral student
            to a tribe, but that link is not necessarily documented or accounted for in records.   at the University of
                                                                                              Windsor and Founder/
            Hidden, secret, and unknown Indigenous identities are found in the family stories of   CEO of Diverse
            students everywhere.                                                              Solutions Strategy
               Some criticize tribal outsiders who claim Indigenous identity and “passers” who  Firm Inc. She has
            can slip through classifications that may have been limiting or liberating by law or  experience as a K–12
            by custom in the past (Turner, 1995), which places them in a liminal space regarding   and undergraduate
            any  facets  of  their  identity.  Others  note  the  flaws  arising  from  how  people  are   educator and is
                                                                                              an active diversity,
            identified using demographic markers incorrectly in today’s world whereby a person   equity, inclusion,
            of multiple identities has his or her demographic information modified, giving only   and decolonization
            the “dominant” race denotation on forms (Gubar, 2000). In sum, Native Americans  advocate, business
            and Indigenous peoples have a kind of fluid ethnic identity (Eschbach et al., 1998)  advisor, researcher,
            that is varied and diverse (Johnson et al., 1995).                                and author.
               Conversely, because of the way in which Indigenous identity is identified by
            governing bodies, it is impossible to know for sure how many of one’s students may
            be Indigenous without specifically and directly asking the students, and even then,
            the numbers may fall short or be skewed. As Ault and John (2017) stated,
                   Differences between who qualifies as American Indian/Alaskan Native, as
                   well as revised data collection processes, do not allow multiple races and
                   ethnicities to be recorded, which has led to a significant under-identification
                   of K–12 Native students. This is particularly true for students with complex
                   ancestries. (p. 1)
            Furthermore, in higher education institutions, “if students identify as both American
            Indian/Alaskan Native and any other race or ethnicity, they are no longer counted as
            American Indian/Alaskan Native” (Ault & John, 2017, p. 3). As previously stated,
            for some Indigenous, identity has been defined as being an enrolled member of a
            government-recognized tribe or a lineal descendant of a tribal member, but even that
            definition is complicated because tribal relationships are complex, and connections
            are  not  always  evident  to  non-Indigenous  people.  With  those  considerations  in
            mind, it is not overstating to claim that most teachers have probably had Indigenous
            students in their classrooms at some point without recognizing them as such.
               One  of  the  first  things  many  Indigenous  people  experience  after  they  have
            self-identified to others is quantification of identity through derogatory questions
            such as “...but how Indian are you?”  or “What percentage are you?” These are
            racist, inappropriate, and complicated questions at best and a reinforcement of a
            colonial mindset, fragmenting (Root, 1990), and more at worst. Both identified and
            unidentified Indigenous students are at risk for microaggressions and overt racism
            from their peers and, unfortunately, teachers. Because schooling in the United States
            was set up to reinforce colonial mindsets (Abela & Dague, 2020), students experience
            an oppressive curriculum that primarily reflects Eurocentric ideologies (Rovito &

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